From Michael Sorkin's Some Assembly Required


EXCERPT
________________

TIMES SQUARE: STATUS QUO VADIS

 

The ongoing debate over Times Square reminds me of last year's dustup over Milos Forman's bio-pic about Larry Flynt. That debate was not so much over a movie that glorified a purveyor of misogynistic smut but over the choice of a pornographer as a kind of ideal violator of public values and hence a suitable subject for a film in celebration of freedom of speech. In constructing him as an avatar of free expression, Forman foregrounded Flynt's roguishness, vulgar charm, and old-fashioned uxoriousness. And by choosing the amiable and attractive (and young) Woody Harrelson to portray Flynt, Forman was better able to conjure sympathy for his subject's struggles for self-expression. The argument against this--a telling one--is that the rhetoric of the film, in its creation of a character with whom the audience could identify, chose a pornographer in lieu of, say, a Nazi bent on marching through Skokie, and thereby implicitly suggested that pornography is--on some larger scale of public values--a more fundamentally benign violation. This is clearly a hierarchy established at the expense of women, and the objection to the film is precisely that the very possibility of making a charmer out of a truly loathsome pornographer is only possible via culture's greater willingness to tolerate this implicit denigration.

Much of the argument over Times Square is also framed as a question about the rights of the sex trade and--like the debate over Flynt--is often couched in a veneer of standard-issue liberal pieties. These include not simply the notion that the sex industry is entitled to a kind of locational freedom of the city but also the idea--as expressed, among others, by Rem Koolhaas in Grand Street last year--that Times Square has a special "authenticity" bred of the coupling of pornography and density and is thus entitled to absolute tolerance. Of course, this particular argument works best retrospectively, as counterpoint to the looming Disneyfication of the place. As with the Forman film, the freedom--the license--of the sex scene is to be preferred to the homogenizing repressions of the mouse. And, like the Forman film, the same fallacy is unpacked. Sex for sale--and here we are presumably meant to be drawn to the exemplary liberalism of the tolerant Dutch with their medically inspected sex workers under glass--is like Larry Flynt, a transgression sufficiently benign to be embraced as a victim of big brother rather than big brother's own m.o.

But the Forman film suggests another, even more serious consequence of current strategies toward Times Square. By choosing Flynt--whose pornographic production abounds with images of women tortured and mutilated--as a poster boy for free speech--there is a conflation of Flynt's pornography with pornography in general. This all-or-nothing approach, which refuses to make distinctions within the field of the pornographic, leads with little difficulty to an identification of the pornographic with sexuality in general. At the end of the day, this is--ironically--the problem of the film. Embraced under the shining aura of "free speech," all sexual practices become as one.

In Times Square this leads to a false choice: either celebrate the crummy and degraded sex bazaar as it is (Koolhaas's monument to his beloved laissez-faire), or bring on Disneyland. Disneyland--symbolized by that hairless, sexless mouse--is the representation of the kind of totalizing approach that is anathema to what has been best about Times Square, its complexity, unpredictability, louche charm, and--yes--its concentration of sexual energy. Disneyland is the postmodern version of urban renewal, advanced not on the theoretical grounds of a hygienic fantasy of a universal working-class subject living in circumstances of utter sameness, but on the grounds of a hygienic fantasy of a universal tourist-class subject playing in circumstances of utter sameness. Either way, the agenda is the same.

In making this argument, I raise one of the great and necessary difficulties of the discussion of Times Square. Times Square is burdened by the competing claims of the exemplary and the exceptional. Clearly, the "otherness" of the place and its historic role as a sanctuary for both diversity and deviance simultaneously attract liberal opinion and appall a proper bourgeois sense of urban decorum. More, in the richly coded language of urban description, Times Square has come to symbolize not simply a criminal environment but a zone in which "the criminal element"--which is to say black and gay men--is given the right of the city at the very core of the city. In New York, where "crime fighting" is the leading item on the municipal agenda, the demonization of Times Square can only presage its demolition and "cleanup," a standardization and scaling up that will dilute the mix to acceptable strength, the same hygienizing cycle that was brought to us historically by the (we thought) discredited history of exclusionary zoning and urban renewal.

History, of course, does repeat itself. First as tragedy, then as farce, then as a made-for-TV movie, then as a cartoon, then as a Broadway musical. . . . It does not seem entirely just that Times Square be made to bear the burden for the entire culture. After all, Times Square is not responsible for television, for the immaterial antimatter that has produced the circumstances for its annihilation. It bravely fights back by deploying an enormous analogue, lightbulbs like pixels, a synesthesia of luminosity, David Letterman stories high on the Jumbotron, biggest TV in the world. It may be true that the culture prefers Beauty and the Beast, but it is certainly true that the vast majority of both the Square's defenders and detractors have seen neither Cats nor the show at the Adonis. And of course, it is terribly true that the demise of Times Square, its conversion to another version of the recursion of Vegas (which has now built its own Times Square, even more pared and distilled than the vanishing "original") must be blamed squarely not simply on the energetic advocates of sanitized fun but on our own failures to propose a better idea.

1998

Graceland/White House excerpt
Table of Contents